Under the gig platform, technological control and management leads to grievances and perceived injustice. This dimension of control and management overlaps at times with, and is reinforced by, legal and organizational control and management, generating moments of escalation. The contractual design enables intense algorithmic control and management by giving platforms unbridled legal and technological power.
While all eyes have turned to Trump’s fascist coup attempt in Washington, and rightly so, the political earthquake that has occurred in Georgia since November should not be forgotten. Not only did Joe Biden eke out a victory in the November presidential election, but the January Senate runoff elected two more Trump opponents, this in a state in the Deep South with a long history of voter suppression and racist violence.
In terms of alignments at a national level, this political upset gave the Democrats what the Biden campaign had signally failed to do, control of the U.S. Senate. While the new majority is razor thin — and in fact dependent on tie-breaking votes by Vice President Kamala Harris — it should at least prevent the far-right Republican Party from blocking completely the mild reforms the Biden administration will attempt on economic, environmental, and racial justice, as well as other salient issues.
It is important to note that newly elected Senators Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff ran not only as anti-Trump candidates, but also with some progressive stances. They supported the $2000 stimulus checks for COVID relief. Nor did they adopt the familiar Carter-Clinton-Biden “centrist” strategy of playing only to white suburban […]
Doug Ford’s right-wing populism emerged in relation to the material conditions of precariousness that had escalated in the years following the 2008 financial crisis. It tapped into the insecurities of working-class and middle-class voters generated through years of growing inequality, stagnant wages, declining unionization, and the deterioration of public services and institutions.
Invoking an old neoliberal trope, its solution to the crisis included measures that would make Ontario “open for business,” including employment standards reforms that undermined basic employment protections for workers in the province. While proclaiming intentions to protect “the people” from “the elite,” Ford’s populism served to sustain and enhance capitalist interests by legitimating legislation that undermines the security of an already precarious workforce.
To assume that this leads to progressive politics is wrong as much as the opposite (that working-class positions are inherently associated with far-right politics). This dichotomy ignores the constitutive split of the class: the same workers that demand recognition of their specificity as an existing ‘class’ of people (affirming their class position) may also call for the undermining of class divides through the redistribution of resources. This paradox of class identity is not to be resolved by those dedicated to class analysis as a pathway to a more equal society. But a deeper understanding of how it works, could make this way shorter.
For Du Bois, whites embrace racism not because they are imbued by a psychological predisposition nor because they’re grasping for a shred of psychological superiority. Rather, they embrace white supremacy because the threat of job displacement—and the economic hardship that implies—drives whites to pursue their economic interests in racialized terms.