In March 2020, New York City became the U.S. epicenter of the emerging Covid-19 crisis. Yet neither city leaders, nor school district officials, nor teacher union leadership provided a meaningful response to a mounting public health crisis. Instead, the city’s fledgling social justice teachers’ union caucus, MORE, rose to [...]
On September 12th, 2022, approximately 15,000 nurses went on strike across Minnesota and Wisconsin in one of the largest private sector work stoppages by nurses in U.S. history. Workers demanded increased staffing and higher wages to retain nurses after working for over two years through a deadly pandemic. In [...]
There is neither a discernible overarching vision that unites all workers and aids in broad class solidarity nor an easy way of layering strategies so that they serve complementary ends. Whether this misalignment proves damning for labor remains to be seen.
How are the affluent classes' instruments of control and power becoming the means of resistance for the urban poor against those very affluent classes as their employers? The actions of domestic workers in India are tied to the processes of how Indian cities have developed over the last three decades. Elaborating on these actions, I do not intend to say that domestic workers disrupting GNs is a widespread phenomenon across Indian cities. Instead, I use the workers' experiences in these two Indian cities to hint at political futures which, if harnessed, can transform the social standing of some of the most marginalized workers in Indian society.
My article in Capital and Class extends Marxist feminist critiques of social reproduction to explain the ways global financialization processes affect social reproduction patterns in the era of neoliberalization (1997-present) in South Korea. I focus on the question of how financialization affects contingent workers' livability.
The communicative space, such as WeChat and TikTok is another arena for social reproduction, where female platform drivers organize cooperative child-care arrangements with other female drivers so that they can drive longer, or work at a particular time. Nonetheless, the communicative space also forges mutual support and creates a community of shared responsibilities in the absence of a shared workplace, thereby creating the potential for women workers to resist platform control, sexual exploitation and harassment, and gender-based violence in the workplace.
Even if China manages to move up in global value chains, without a paradigm shift and reorientation toward more balanced development focusing on peoples’ livelihoods, labor rights, social equity, and ecological sustainability that goes beyond the conventional developmental state, the prospects for China to escape the pitfalls of the energy-intensive, mass-consumption model remain dim.
The Soma Mine Disaster directly reflected the coal rush of the AKP governments and extractive capital. On May 13th 2014, 301 miners died at an underground coal mine operated by the Soma Coal Company.
Ideas and Family Ties: Understanding why English-Speaking Countries Responded So Differently to the Crisis of the 1930s
My explanation of the economic policy variation (convergence and divergence) across the five cases gives primacy to ruling parties’ ideational orientation and political strategies concerning three major groups of interest – business, labour, and agrarian. Where governments privileged businesses and accommodated agrarians to the exclusion of labour, the policy outcome was invariably conservative. In contrast, where governments arranged a rapprochement between agrarians, organized labour, and sections of business, policy innovation followed.
Gig platforms have tried hard to create the image of gig workers as side-hustlers, part-timers, or those who use the work as a hobby to make extra money and who are thus free to hop from one platform to another whenever they want. If gig workers are deemed to be so autonomous and independent, what happens to them when a global platform leaves?